The Aid Debate

"Don't cut aid. It's working."

That's the message Oxfam America is trying to send to the US Congress. It's uncomplicated and jargon free and the campaign behind this message showcases how individuals are leveraging the investment of aid to create a more sustainable and prosperous future for their communities and others.

It's an interesting and very worthwhile addition to the aid debate as far too often during recessionary periods, government aid budgets are not only under scrutiny but also attack. While no one denies the need for perpetual monitoring and evaluation of all elements of national expenditure by governments, the analysis that accompanies the aid debate tends to be overly negative.

Interestingly what often is said to be missing from the debate is evidence of impact and success in a form digestible to the general public. I wonder will this approach go some way towards redressing that deficit and whether other organisations will follow suit.

Have a look and decide for yourself.

Delay in the Face of Agreement

On my way to work this morning, I was struck by the latest banner to adorn the SIPTU building in Dublin City Centre:

What struck me was not the image or the messaging but rather the fact that the Turn Off the Red Light campaign has now been running for roughly 18 months. Although this is a relatively short period of time in the world of campaigning, most issue based campaigns face some form of opposition. Whether that be proactively by vested interests (such as polluting sectors opposing genuine action on climate change) or by reactive/inactive decision makers (overawed by the scale of the problem, eg: the eradication of global hunger).

But what the TORL campaign is calling for is action to address the fact that buying sex is not illegal in Ireland (unless the seller has been trafficked and the buyer is conscientious enough to have asked). So an end to prostitution and sex trafficking.

That leaves me wondering:

- Who would oppose sanctions against the buyers of sex?
- Who could (or would) argue that prostitution and trafficking are not an exploitation of women and therefore not a matter that requires action?
- Who believes the numbers of buyers wouldn't dramatically reduce if their role was criminalized?
- What is the delay in the production of legislation?

I haven't managed to find answers for any of the above but if you'd like to learn more about the issue, take a look at the TORL's latest submission to government here.

Bearing the Brunt - Women and the Recession

This morning I had the pleasure of attending a seminar hosted by the National Women's council of Ireland, entitled Bearing the Brunt? Women and the Recession.

A well packed room was treated to a fascinating discussion about the complete lack of any type of gender analysis from public debate about the recession and its impacts in Ireland.

Brilliantly, all the presentations have been made available on the NWCI website.

Enjoy and when reading through Thora Thorsdottir's compelling presentation about the comparable situation in Iceland, pay particular attention to the graph on slide 7 of 20 which highlights the disgraceful change in the real disposable earnings of SOME couples (lower income of course) between 2008 and 2009.

Unintended Consequences…Just Get it Right

This week, the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste spoke proudly about the moves made within the Dáil and Seanad to approve the setting up of a Constitutional Convention. A unique initiative in Ireland, the aim is purportedly to endow our Constitution with a form appropriate for the 21st Century.

Despite the odd platitude or two expressed in their Irish Times opinion piece and their audacity to claim that many people “believe that a disconnection has arisen between politics and wider society” rather than acknowledging the fact that citizens perceive that disconnection and suffer from it on a daily basis, the upcoming Constitutional Convention is sufficiently important to quickly navigate and ignore the first few paragraphs.

Also important is the fact that the Taoiseach and Tánaiste profess their awareness of the responsibility the Government bears to ensure that any proposal made by the convention can be achieved without leading to any unintended consequences. So trying to get things right from the very beginning would be a good start, wouldn’t it? And that’s the exact opposite of what they’re suggesting.

The first task assigned to the convention is to consider reducing the presidential terms of office (to five years) and reducing the voting age to 17. Firstly, I fail to see how marginally reducing the presidential term limit is of such importance as to have found itself so high up the list of priorities for the convention, particularly when the wider electoral system is so desperately in need of reform. More importantly and with regard to reducing the voting age to 17, how can we allow 16 year olds to legally leave school, secure full time employment, begin paying tax, suffer detention and assume many other responsibilities and duties but not afford them the right to have a say in how their country is run?

A bad start can be forgiven however, just so long as the other areas being considered by the convention are of significant relevance to Irish society, treated with due respect and given robust examination…

Which is why it is disappointing to see that making provision for same-sex marriage is a highlight of the Taoiseach and Tánaiste’s agenda. Not that the convention shouldn’t investigate and outline steps to realise such a fundamental right in our Constitution but rather that there is no suggestion that the related (and complicated) issue of adoption by same-sex couples will be addressed or account taken of the inevitable impact that such a situation will have on the rights of the child. If the Constitutional Convention is to really be such a unique opportunity, then there is no justification for taking half measures or leaving difficult choices for a different generation. Such matters must be addressed holistically and in full now.

Similarly, it is hard to feel overly confident that the Government will genuinely run with any strong proposal to increase the participation of women in politics – another area they highlighted as being in need of 21st Century reform. If such ambition actually existed within the present Government, then there would have been no need for the National Women’s Council of Ireland to petition Minister Phil Hogan and demand that the Electoral amendment (political funding) Bill 2011 also enforced candidate gender targets for local elections, rather than just General Elections. As local elections are widely seen as a platform for a career in national politics, the Bill had failed to address the issue of women’s participation in politics in full. Again a half measure, and again a source of doubt about how the Government may engage with the Constitutional Convention.

Saying that, the upcoming process is not inherently flawed and there certainly are positive elements, particularly with regard to transparency and accountability. In addition, the convention will be made up of a cross section of Irish society and include parliamentarians from our kinsfolk in the Northern Irish Assembly. The problem is that despite the “profound importance” of this process, the recent rhetoric from the Taoiseach and Tánaiste fails to instil confidence or arouse trust that the mission being undertaken on behalf of the Irish people will be successful in improving the lives of the people of this island. And surely that is the only intended consequence that should matter.

Over to You

The Dáil adjourned today and will not sit again until after next Thursday's referendum on the fiscal treaty.

So now it's up to the Irish public to consider all the arguments that have been put forward, all the accusations cast and each premonition made.

Unfortunately both the NO and YES camps have rarely, if ever, debated the actual text or the real implications of the passage or rejection of this treaty. Instead they have engaged in scaremongering and focused on unrelated issues, ostensibly educating the Irish public about the treaty but really pursuing their own agendas with feverish intention.

We have heard time and time again that Irish voters are a mature and educated electorate. So it's time to live up to that label by turning off the radio and the television and putting down the newspaper.

Instead, let us all read the actual treaty (a downloadable copy of which can be found here)and base our decision on that alone.

The Light is Still On...

In recent weeks, a group of Irish Senators challenged the Minister for Justice, Alan Shatter, on the passing of his 6 month commitment to review prostitution law in Ireland and his apparent failure to take any significant action in that time. In support of the Turn Off the Red Light campaign (which seeks to end prostitution and sex trafficking in Ireland), the Senators re-affirmed the campaign's demand for a public consultation on the criminalization of the purchase of sex.

In response, Minister Shatter announced that a detailed discussion document, being produced by his department and designed to facilitate the public consultation, would be published by the end of May 2012. He also offered resassurance that the commitments he gave 6 months ago still stood.

Hopefully, come the end of May, the discussion document will indeed be published and the Minister will not have to offer any reassurances about his commitment to this issue again. However, just to be sure, I would encourage everyone to highlight the issue to their local TDs so that it doesn't fall from the agenda for another 6 months.

You can take action on this issue here.

Framing Development

Minister of State, Joe Costello, addressed the Dóchas AGM last week on the theme of 'Reflecting the Role that NGOs can play in Shaping Public Discourse on Aid and Development. The full text of his speech is below and is well worth a read. However, for a much more involved and detailed analysis of how NGOs and other key stakeholders unknowingly perpetuate an anachronistic understanding of global poverty and social justice, please do set aside some time to read the fantastic Finding Frames.


Chairperson, Ladies and Gentlemen, I would like to thank you for inviting me to open the Dóchas Annual Conference. Since I took office as Minister of State for Trade and Development, I have met with many of you and have been struck by your passion and commitment to development and the fight against global poverty and hunger. I have also been impressed by the commitment to critical reflection that characterises your practice and the way you run your organisations.

The theme of this Conference is challenging. You are taking time out to honestly explore how NGOs are shaping public attitudes to development and global poverty.


In many respects, this is a good news story. The recent MRBI poll informs us that 88% of Irish people are proud of Ireland’s contribution to development and the eradication of hunger and poverty. I believe this pride comes from a place of empathy; many Irish people have a deep personal interest in development. Undoubtedly the depth of understanding and interest varies from person to person but I believe that there are few of us who are untouched by our own history of conflict, famine and poverty. This history, in part, shapes our world view as Irish people. In turn it provides fertile soil for those of us who want to build a deep public commitment to a better world, free from poverty and hunger. It speaks to the need for justice in our international relations, to the need for mutual support as we tackle climate change and the need for fairness as we address international trade rules.


In recent times, many Irish households have experienced real hardship as the impact of a prolonged economic recession has resulted in a significant drop in income. We have watched and listened to some debate where we are asked to choose between supporting a special care unit in a national children’s hospital or possibly supporting a health programme in a distant land. The choice is actually a false one but nonetheless its presentation by the media can feed into doubts and questions about the very legitimacy of development aid in the current context..


I have travelled around the country during the White Paper consultation process and listened to many perspectives. A number of the written submissions we received in the White Paper consultation process questioned whether Ireland can actually afford an aid programme at all.


Part of the problem resides in the fact that development and charity are used interchangeably. The analysis often presented reduces the contribution people are asked to make to a financial transaction., A transaction that may be sufficient until the next appeal. I am not underestimating the importance of aid budgets or aid appeals because I do believe that they make a substantial difference to the lives of people. I also see it as a substantial achievement that, to date, we have managed to sustain public support and maintain the percentage of GNP allocated to the overseas aid budget.


However if most of our messages centre on money, we can miss important opportunities to debate on the nature of political, social and economic transformation.


What is the long term aim of our communication and development education strategies? Surely it must be a more informed and politically aware public who are ready to support the political and policy changes necessary for eliminating global poverty and tackling complex problems such as climate change?


Communicating clearly with the public on development cooperation and maintaining public support is a challenge for both Government and NGOs. To succeed, we must initially examine the messages we are disseminating to ensure they are presenting an accurate and modern vision of development. Then we need to look at how the messages and images portrayed are utilised by all of us to garner support from the Irish public. Thirdly, we must develop tools and strategies to constantly improve our communications.


Looking first to the messages and images we portray. Poverty and inequality are global problems – whether they manifest in Ireland or they manifest in the developing world. Regardless of where poverty is experienced, its cause and effect are rarely simple. For decades, development education practitioners have provided leadership in presenting the complex underlying causes of poverty and inequality while emphasising the global interconnections between people and countries. Yet often the messages and images portrayed in our fundraising and communications are at odds and focus on the negative and the simple.


News reports and charity appeals reinforce stereotypes of disaster and relentless poverty. People in developing countries are perceived as passive victims rather than active participants in their own recovery. Images of violence, pain and death are becoming more commonplace, leading to ‘compassion fatigue’ and for some a race to the bottom in terms of the level of horror they are willing to portray in the media.


We must deconstruct this somewhat patronising and simplistic model of development, yet we must also recognise that these images often garner support. You, as NGOs, need to examine further the way in which development work is portrayed . I understand that images and messages are used for a variety of purposes – to engage and inform the public, to support advocacy, to account for funding and to support fundraising initiatives. The latter is perhaps the most important to many of you in the face of more challenging economic times. However, short term gains in terms of fundraising or profile should not, if at all possible, take precedence over the long term vision of contributing to a more just global society.


Many of the larger NGOs in Ireland recognise the need to examine and resolve the tension between the images and messages contained in their fundraising strategies on one hand and their mandate to tackle the underlying causes of poverty and inequality on the other. These discussions are just beginning. There is a need for the sector as whole to commit jointly to change if we are to achieve a greater coherence between fundraising messages and sound public awareness programmes. We can work on this together.


I welcome the fact that you are here today to examine current strategies and tools around communicating development. The Dóchas Code of Images and Messages sets out clearly a commitment to presenting development in a way which propagates the values of respect, equality, solidarity and justice. It sets the standards for all communications. I wish to acknowledge the excellent work on this.


A focus on standards is something to which Irish Aid is also committed in its work with partners. It is easy to agree to something in principle. The real test is in compliance. I welcome the continued work Dóchas proposes to do in the area of monitoring compliance of the code.


With the help of tools such as the Code, the discourse is shifting. The new paradigm places development within the context of increased global connectivity and opportunity. People, especially young people, have travelled to many continents and often have their own experiences of visiting developing countries and seeing absolute poverty at first hand. Social media and the internet have also created new links between those living in developing countries and people in Ireland.


This new discourse needs to be underpinned by a strong emphasis on learning and reflection. We must continue to critically examine our programmes of work; to see what interventions work and to try to replicate them; to focus on our intended results and be honest about what works, what does not and why.


This summer we will be showcasing the Nation’s football skills at international level in Euro 2012 in Poland and the Ukraine. It could be argued that our skills in development are more effective than our skills in football. Let us showcase this effectiveness – in Ireland and on the international playing field and most importantly in the communities where we work. Let us get the support of the Irish people behind effective development. Let us trust them to engage with the complex reality behind the images of poverty.


To reiterate, one way of doing this is to reach for excellence in our imaging and messaging. This is something on which we can can focus on and get right.


The next is to engage in clear communications with the public on development. If this is done well the long term impact on support for development within Ireland could be immense. We need to be clear why we are communicating and what we want to achieve from it. Also we need to use the opportunities such as our 2013 European Presidency to showcase our development programme. We can commence by portraying people in developing countries as citizens rather than victims; as people seeking to lead fulfilling lives with the potential to be active agents in their own political and economic change. Our communications on development should reflect the excellence of our development programmes and the empathy we bring to development practice, we can and we should do better.


I would once again like to thank Dóchas for inviting me to open this conference today. I wish you all a successful conference and look forward to not only a frank discussion but also the future impact this ongoing dialogue can have on how we portray the work we do globally.